There is no doubt that climate change is one of the most critical national security threats the United States -- and the rest of the world -- faces today. A few short years ago, this was a controversial statement. Not anymore. Those in the world of security policy who still scoff at it -- with a hint of intellectual superiority -- are now in the minority view.

"There is no doubt that climate change is one of the most critical national security threats the United States -- and the rest of the world -- faces today."

The real challenge when confronting domestic national security challenges caused by climate change is not the "what" but the "how." How do we confront an enemy that threatens the entire world even when we're doing everything right on our homefront? The answer is: The United States must lead. It must regain its status as a global convener with restored credibility. That starts with reestablishing the strong and historic alliance with the European Union, and then broadening and expanding a unified position in Asia and the rest of the world together.

"The United States must lead. It must regain its status as a global convener with restored credibility."

However, even with the best of intentions and effective execution, we face challenges to coordinated global action on climate change. Without China and India (or the rest of south and southeast Asia for that matter), we will not make the necessary dent in the trajectory. To convince China to join the US in this effort, climate will need to be one of the top issues negotiated with the Chinese. The next administration will inherit a bilateral relationship fraught with difficult thorny issues such as: Hong Kong and Taiwan, trade, flare-ups in the South China Sea, and cyber, to name a few. We will need to navigate this arena skillfully to get the Chinese to sign onto a Paris Agreement 2.0.

"However, even with the best of intentions and effective execution, we face challenges to coordinated global action on climate change. Without China and India (or the rest of south and southeast Asia for that matter), we will not make the necessary dent in the trajectory."

But we face another major challenge: COVID-19. Yes, it is true that the pandemic has most likely accelerated peak oil, and has even given people in the most polluted cities a view of what a consistent clear sky and crisp air feels like, but it has also brought more troubling news for climate change action. The World Bank is reporting concerns for a stark increase in poverty rates in developing countries. And just this week, India reported a 23.9% contraction in the 2nd quarter of this year, and Crisil rating agency said this year's contraction is the worst since 1950.

"That is why it is so critical to not only embed climate change policy into energy policy, but also foreign policy and our national security strategy."

When budgets are constrained, it is harder for governments to invest in the energy transition, and indeed we are already seeing a renewed willingness to turn back to the cheapest options, such as coal. We cannot allow that to happen.

That is why it is so critical to not only embed climate change policy into energy policy, but also foreign policy and our national security strategy.

"COVID-19 is not only a challenge; it's an opportunity. It's an opportunity for the US to issue a new massive stimulus ... to upgrade our national infrastructure to be greener, stronger and more efficient."

COVID-19 is not only a challenge; it's an opportunity. It's an opportunity for the US to issue a new massive stimulus -- reminiscent of the 1930s in its spending of public funds -- to upgrade our national infrastructure to be greener, stronger and more efficient. And we must do the same for the rest of the world, too. We must use public funds to leverage and incentivize private funds to ensure an equitable push toward a cleaner and safer future in every part of the world.

In this battle, we are only as strong as our weakest link. Currently, the weakest link may be a world without US leadership or credibility.